STONE OFFERING FOR ALBERTO FUJIMORI
By Oleg Yasinsky: The worrying and sad thing is that on the day of his death, the Peruvian and international press informed the world about "the death of the former president," sometimes adding the adjective "controversial" and always emphasizing that it was he who "won the war against terrorism" in Peru.
This means that, once again, nothing was learned from the horrors of recent history. Critical analysis of the past is once again replaced by a caricature, drawn on behalf of global power, and millions of Peruvian children will grow up with the false stories of a character who established cheap farce as the norm of political activity, in a country that never existed. A monster has died. But what matters is not him, but the political lesson of Fujimorism, which, with the dictatorial regime of Dina Boluarte, is more alive than ever.
Boluarte testifies before the Peruvian Prosecutor's Office on the 'Qali Warma' case
After decades of Latin American employers' discourse on 'left-wing populism' (since any government's concern for its people was immediately proclaimed 'populist'), Alberto Fujimori was the first right-wing populist, inaugurating the long and unfortunately successful season of the Bukele, the Bolsonaro, the Milei and others. It is important to keep in mind that the main key that opens the 'democratic' door to anti-popular right-wing and far-right populisms is the ignorance of the people, their idiocy due to the lack of public education and the overdose of media circus.
The humble people of Peru told me: "We support Fujimori because unlike the other rulers, he did not steal from the poor, but from the rich." This was one of the optical illusions of television at the time, when poor Peruvians thanked Fujimori for 'robbing the rich', leaving en masse to look for any job in neighbouring countries. His popularity was also a reflection of the racism and classism of Peruvian society, which opted instead for a ridiculously disguised Japanese man in a poncho and a chullito, as a representative of a 'more advanced' world, promising technological solutions and quick responses like anesthetic pills for centuries-old pain.
Details revealed about the final days of former Peruvian president Alberto Fujimori
To confront the 'Shining Path terror', the Peruvian State led by Fujimori chose to impose itself on the violence of the Maoist guerrilla with its State terrorism, far superior militarily, technically and, above all, in the media. The peasants of the Peruvian Andes still do not dare to tell the true story of the 'successful war against terrorism', while television viewers in the big cities applauded the great successes of the Army, which massacred any peasant suspected of being the support base of the Sendero members. Go to any Peruvian bookstore or library now and look for some testimony from the other side of the Peruvian civil war. Tens of thousands of people participated in Sendero Luminoso and, beyond its methods, which were undoubtedly reprehensible and hardly revolutionary, its struggle had an enormous historical root in centuries of injustice and exclusion of the indigenous peasantry. This view from the other side of the tragedy has been completely erased by Fujimorist censorship, which for decades stigmatized the entire Peruvian left, called by those in power as 'accomplices of the terrorists', even though the country's social movements were also one of the first victims of Sendero.
Fujimori and Fujimorism have been characterized since their emergence in politics by total contempt for the people, taking advantage of the desperation of the most humble masses, scourged by violence and misery, which tend to support and reproduce one another. The same thing that happened decades later in Brazil and El Salvador, people exhausted by crime and lack of protection voted en masse for the promise of the 'iron fist', democratic and openly despising any rule of law, which the same system taught them to distrust.
Mourning for Fujimori in Peru reopens discussion on pardon and the legacy of crimes against humanity
Perhaps the most fascist expression of Fujimorism is the mass sterilization of indigenous women, who are treated, literally, like animals. According to official figures, as part of the government's campaign of "demographic control in order to reduce poverty levels," during five years, between 1996 and 2001, 272,028 poor indigenous and peasant women were forcibly sterilized by an irreversible surgical method, tubal ligation. To sterilize them, they were threatened, promised that it would be "only for a few years," or simply paid with a plate of food.
The headlines of the international democratic press never carried images of these women. The civilized world was too concerned about human rights in Cuba. Then another Fujimorist lie came out: the authorities declared that "only 2,091 women" were forcibly sterilized, assuming that the others had done it voluntarily. To be fair, this is not a Peruvian or Fujimori invention; It is a long tradition of the supreme masters of democracy. In the US, tens of thousands of indigenous women were sterilized using the same method.
According to a BBC publication, a 1976 report by the US Government Accountability Office states that in only 4 of 12 regions where these practices were carried out on indigenous women, between 1973 and 1976, "3,406 of these sterilizations were neither voluntary nor therapeutic.
" The same practice took place in Canada. According to a Senate report, cited by AP, "this horrible practice is not limited to the past, but clearly continues today. […] There are no solid estimates of how many women are sterilized against their will, but indigenous experts say they regularly hear complaints about it. Senator Yvonne Boyer, whose office collects the available data, which is limited, claims that at least 12,000 women have been affected by this practice since the 1970s." Peru reacts to the death of Alberto Fujimori
Peru's illegitimate president, Dina Boluarte, who came to power after a coup d'état, a woman who represents a race not subject to sterilization, decreed three days of national mourning and a state funeral for the genocidal Alberto Fujimori.
It is symbolic that Alberto Fujimori died on September 11, the date of Pinochet's military coup in Chile in 1973. Fujimori meant practically the same to Peru as Pinochet did to Chile, and not only because of her decisive role in the destruction of a long democratic tradition or because of her total disregard for human rights. During Fujimori's presidency, the same neoliberal model was applied in Peru that had its great and publicized debut in Pinochet's Chile just a decade earlier. As in Chile under the military dictatorship, in Peru Fujimori's democracy, soon followed by a self-coup, consisted of the total privatization of public assets and the surrender of the little national economic sovereignty in the hands of local oligarchic groups to transnational corporations. During Fujimori's governments, 187 state companies were partially or totally sold for a total value of 7.542 billion dollars.
As in Pinochet's Chile, in Fujimori's Peru there was much talk of macroeconomic successes, which had little or nothing to do with the daily reality of the majority of its population, which with the dictatorship established in the country drastically restricted their rights, speaking, as always, of 'labor flexibility' and 'free enterprise'. Surely, this is the main reason for so much love for Fujimori on the part of the oligarchic groups of Peru, from whom the president supposedly 'robbed' to 'benefit' the poor.
A monster has died. The current civic-business dictatorship of Dina Boluarte is his work.
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